Saturday, February 10, 2007

Medley

Tuesday, February 6, 2007

綱島梁川。つなしま・りょうせん。1837-1907.  予が見神の実験 

綱島梁川。つなしま・りょうせん。1837-1907.  予が見神の実験 (1905)

倫理学者、評論家。熱心なクリスチャン。「。。ロマンティシズムあふれる宗教思想を披瀝」(99)。『早稲田文学』の編集者。早稲田大学。海老名弾正(えびな・だんじょう, 1856-1937) 神戸の教牧師に影響され、比較宗教の研究者として活躍。

「悲哀の高潮」(1902)。
個人での宗教的経験にもとづいた「予が見神の事件」 (1905)。


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長谷川天淫。はせがわ・てんけい。1876-1940.   幻滅時代の芸術

長谷川天渓。はせがわ・てんけい。1876-1940.   幻滅時代の芸術 (1906)

評論家、英文学者。b. 新潟。早卒。『太陽』の編集者・著作者。自然主義の初期の理論家。イブセンの演劇を擁護。


 長谷川によって文学の目的は、自然主義者のスローガンともなった「現実を暴露すること」だと主張。「ジャーナリスティックな感性の持ち主であったテンケイは、自然主義論の主要なキャッチフレーズを多くつくり出した。。。「幻滅時代の世人が欲むる物は、真実を描きたる無飾芸術なり」と、遊芸的分子を排除し、真実そのものに基礎を定めた芸術だとした」(千葉、112)。樗牛の「美的な生活」への反論。さまざまなエッセイの主張のなかで矛盾が多く見られると批判される。


「現実暴露の悲哀」1908.

一番左にて、長谷川天淫
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片上天弦。かたがみ・てんげん(本名のぼる)   無解決の文学 (1907)

片上天弦。かたがみ・てんげん(本名のぼる) .  1884-1928.
       
                 無解決の文学 (1907)

b. 愛媛県。批評家・ロシア文学者。早卒、早稲田の教員。プロレタリアー運動の思想に共感. 井伏鱒二に対しセクハラ


理想を重んじた彼が自然主義者の文学における理想の無さをきびしく非難。「無理想・無解決の、現実をありのままに描いた文学というのが、今日までいまだ有効な自然主義文学についての一般的な理解である。その自然主義の無理想・無解決の特色をはじめて指摘した代表的な自然主義論のひとつで。。」(千葉、125)。


『 生の要求と文学』1913
「自然主義の主観的要素」1910
「無限の道」1915.
「内在批評」1926.

相馬御風。そうま・ぎょふう。1883-1950.  文芸上主客両体の融会

相馬御風。そうま・ぎょふう。1883-1950.  文芸上主客両体の融会 (1907)

歌人、評論家。自然主義の支持者。『早稲堕文学』の同人。積極的な自己を何よりも首位だと主張。「島村抱月の「今の文壇と新自然主義」や片上天弦の「無解決の文学」が自然主義文学の消極的な態度を是認しているのに対して、その懐疑的な性質を積極的なものに変えるため、「我」の中に「自然」を観じ、「自然」の中に「我」を託すという、「主客融会」の境地にいたる必要を論じた」(千葉、130).

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阿部次郎。1883-1959.   自ら知らざる自然主義者 (1910)

阿部次郎。1883-1959.   自ら知らざる自然主義者 (1910)



 哲学者、評論家。教育者。山形で生まれて、東大卒業後、東北大学の美学教授。ドイツ哲学とくにカントの理想主義に影響され、漱石の門下生でもあった。感想評論集『三太郎の日記』(1914-15)。日本文化研究場.

 「「自ら知らざる自然主義者」において、日本の自然主義文学と享楽主義とが相関関係にあることを指摘し、そもそも物質的機械的であるはずの自然主義が浪漫性を併呑していることの論理矛盾を徹底追及した。。。自然主義文学衰退の予兆でもあった」(千葉、141)。

主要語や名前:永井荷風、享楽主義、 相馬御風の「推讃之辞」 早稲田文学。

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夏目漱石。1867-1916.   イズムの功過 (1910)

夏目漱石。1867-1916.    イズムの功過 (1910)


「漱石は「イズム」そのものが持つ根源的な問題を提起。ひとつの「イズム」を崇拝、拘泥してしまうと、現実を見失うばかりでなく、本来自然の法則に従うべき人間の精神が逆に「イズム」に支配されるという顛倒もおこる」(千葉、146).

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魚住折蘆。うおずみ・せつお. 1883-1910.

魚住折蘆。うおずみ・せつお. 1883-1910.
自己主張の思想としての自然主義 (1910) 付:(過去十年間の仏教界) 


評論家。オーソリティに対抗する自然主義を提唱。「そのオーソリティとは、レビアタンに比せられた国家であり、また日本においては家族である。。。石川啄木はこの論に触発されて、批判的に吸収するかたちで「時代閉塞の現状」の「過去十年間の仏教界」を付載した」(千葉、150)。

Saturday, February 3, 2007

引責自決。

 入学試験に二つの大きなセクションがあった、「共通の問題」と「専門の問題」。専門のところが最も重要だと思い込んで、何を研究していくかというところに一時間半くらいかけて書いていて、そして「共通の問題」の半分しか終わってないうちに時間が終わってしまった。結局、その空欄があったため、落第した。

今日先生に会って、「おい、ライアン。あんた本当にアホだよ。ほかのところは大丈夫だったからその最後の共通のところに一つぐらいの文章さえ書けたら合格だったのにさ。もったいないな、アホ。」と苛められた。悔しいなと。

普通に外人を入れない学部に僕が入れるためにいろんなことをわざわざやってくれた僕の先生の名を汚してしまって、自裁して果てるしかあるまいと覚悟した瞬間に。。。あらま、上智大学の修士の締め切りまだ過ぎてないんだと気付いた。とりあえず、自決をあと一ヶ月間ぐらい延期しておく。

Friday, February 2, 2007

Notes on Nicole Constable’s Cross-Border Marriages: Gender and Mobility in Transnational Asia

The Text

Nicole Constable edited Cross-Border Marriages: Gender and Mobility in Transnational Asia. University of Pittsburgh Press, chapters 1, 7, and 9 (by Constable, Suzuki and Constable).


The Author (Editor and Contributor)


Nicole Constable is a professor of sociology at the University of Pittsburgh. According to her university website, she "received her MA and PhD degrees from the University of California at Berkeley in 1989. She is a sociocultural anthropologist whose interests include the anthropology of work; ethnicity, nationalism, and history; gender, migration, and transnationalism; folklore; and ethnographic writing and power. Her geographical areas of specialization are Hong Kong, China and the Philippines. She has conducted fieldwork in Hong Kong on constructions of Hakka Chinese Christian identity, and on resistance and discipline among Filipina domestic workers. Her current research involves Chinese and Filipino immigrants to the U.S. and U.S.-Asian correspondence marriages." Her prose, unfortunately, is marred by repetition, excessive anecdotes and frequent misuse of the phrase "begging the question."

Ch 1: Introduction: Cross-Border Marriages in a Translation Hakka Hypergamy (Constable)


Like Tawada Yoko, who in her novel "Missing Heels" challenges the one-dimensional stereotypes of transnational marriages, Constable too seeks to debunk the misconceptions surrounding mail-order brides in her book, Cross-Border Marriages: Gender and Mobility in Transnational Asia. Constable's stated goal of the book is to "question many of the bald assumptions about the passivity or desperation of foreign brides; disrupt simplistic notions about upward marital mobility; and offer close ethnographic scrutiny and deep analysis of the local and global processes that make such marriages imaginable and realizable."

The stereotypes associated with the notion of "global hypergamy" -- i.e., using marriage as a tool for global social mobility -- are challenged throughout the book by each of the included essayists-- Ellen Oxfeld, Emily Chao, Louisa Schein (who looks at cases of Miao women marrying Hmong men in China), Caren Freeman, Nancy Abelmann and Hyunhee Kim, Nobue Suzuki, Hung Cam Thai, and Nicole Constable, each of whom addresses, in some way or another, the following three questions:

1. Why do some women leave and others stay?
2. How important is social location in determining who stays and who goes?
3. And how important of a role does a "global imagination" play in this process?

Though addressing a variety of topics, each writer seems to arrive at a similar conclusion, namely, that "women do not simply marry up because of material logics; [rather,] other sorts of desires [i.e., local, global, cultural, physical, geographic, sexual, ideological] also come into play."

As Constable points out, one of the great ironies is that "mail-ordered" brides often see transnational marriage as a way to escape from the patriarchal system at home, while the men see the marriage as an attempt to reclaim their lost sense of patriarchy, which was wrenched from them by feminists of the last century.
Previous research on the subject (e.g., the works of Claude Levi-Strauss and Rubie Watson) tended to underestimate the extent to which agency (i.e., 可自由動力・自由意思・自由選択) played a role in the decisions and behaviors of the female subjects. Constable argues throughout her two essays that agency is indeed a factor in the women's lives, and that this factor must not be overlooked. (That said, Constable concedes that these women are in possession only of limited agency -- when is agency ever unlimited?-- and that this agency does not guarantee success.)
In examining these cross-border marriage cases, one is reminded of the "delicately constructed cultural categories and the hazy areas that blur what are often assumed to be rigid distinctions between marriage and prostitution, agency and coercion, romantic desire and exploitation" (10). Constable seems to imply here that these categories are for the most part arbitrary constructions, not only in the case of transnational marriages but for sexual relationships in general.

Ch 9: A Tale of Two Marriages: International Matchmaking and Gendered Mobility (Constable)

This chapter is Constable's "critique of reductionist stereotypes of so-called mail-order marriages" (176). Such stereotypes saturate the media (one example cited is a 2002 summer episode of Law and Order), and are propagated by many well-meaning "feminists, activists, anti-trafficking sources." (166) Constable's two objectives in this chapter are a) "to provide an overview of the process of introduction and correspondence among Filipinas, Chinese women, and U.S. men, and to depict the men and women involved in such courtships as real people whose lives and experiences challenge many common stereotypes and images" (i.e., desperate wife, naive or pitiful man, evil agencies) (167), and b) "to question the common assumption that such marriages are hypergamous" (i.e., marriages sought for the sole purpose of raising one's social status).

In the first half of the chapter, Constable examines the early stages of cross-border correspondence by looking at some of the stereotypical images and descriptions that fill the brochures and web pages of the various match-making companies (e.g., Goodwife.com, Cherry Blossoms International, China Doll, etc). Constable notes that the administrators, customers, and husband-seeking females involved with these companies all object to the "mail-order bride" label, which "blurs the boundaries between marriage, prostitution, sex tourism, and forced labor, implying that the distinction are of little relevance that all such women are similarly 'trafficked'" (173). By citing numerous statistics and examples, Constable convincingly demonstrates that the "mail-order brides" have both agency and mobility, both before and after marriage.

Constable also challenges the stereotypes associated with the notion of hypergamy— namely, that the women almost invariably come from extreme poverty and are in desperate need of a way out. Though the overwhelming majority of cases involve a woman relocating to an on-the-whole wealthier nation, Constable points out that the economic factors must be seen in relative terms. For example, a middle-class Chinese woman could relocate to a rural town in the mid-western United States only to find herself worse off than before. Such cases, according to Constable, are in fact quite common.

In the second half of this chapter Constable relates the cases of two women, Ping and Rosie, whose marriages challenge the one-sided depictions of marriage-migrants as either victims or ruthless hyper-agents. Constable met Ping first in Beijing in the 1990s, and followed her case for almost a decade. When they met, Ping was in her 50s, divorced, with one son, and was about to marry an older American nudist-intellectual named Elvin. Constable and Ping corresponded through the first two years of the vicissitudinous (変遷的)marriage until she finally received her K-1 visa. Despite many problems, the marriage can be described as a "success story," since in the end she chooses to stay with the sometimes over-bearing but generally decent nudist husband named Elvin.

Rosie, a Filipina with one son, Paul, from a former "marriage" – she was actually impregnated by a wealthy employer's son, to whom she was officially married— marries Ben, an academic, who is twice her age. They move together to the midwestern United States, but soon tire of it and relocate to the East Coast where there are more Filipinos. The two plan to stay in the U.S. until Ben's retirement, after which they hope to live in the Philippines.

Constable concludes that a) although there is a preponderance of cases involving a "patrilocal postmarital residence pattern," the women almost always have a fairly high degree of mobility and agency, and b) although cases of spatial hypergamy (i.e., women moving from poorer to richer country) make up an overwhelming majority, when measured in relative terms it becomes clear that a great bulk of these women are often in fact moving downward.

女ごころ (パート・ワン、基礎レッスン)

 某玉県に外人の友達が住んでいる。その人はすぐ惚れるタイプだ。僕もすぐ惚れるタイプだ。だが、その友達は女心を全く理解していないようであって、彼のためにこの記事を書いてみることにした。

 僕の視ている限りでは外人の男は女に関してお人よしだ。優しくしてくれる女がいれば「この女は俺のこと大好きだ」とすぐ勘違いしたりする。日本人の女子は好きな男のためならば喜んで全力を尽くしてくれるような妄想を抱いている外人は、今でも少なくはない。然し多くの場合は、男に惚れこんでいるから優しくするのでもなく、また日本社会が男性中心であり女性を抑圧するからでもなく、寧ろ女の方は親切な態度を取ることによって男を思い通りに操るようである。真っ先にその男にいったん惚れてもらったら、二人の関係における権力は、全部女の方に取得されてしまうのだ。シーソーに譬えて言えば男は空中に浮き、女は地面にしっかりと座ってその不安定な男をじっと睨んでいる。

 従ってその某玉県に住んでいる友達が「僕らは真面目に付き合っている」とは本気で思っているのに、彼の相手の親友の話を聞くと全く違う解釈が述べられる。

「当然だよ、ぷん太郎!まったく為にならへんやな、君の女ごころレッスン!」と僕にやじを飛ばしたりする男女もいるようだが、これぐらいの簡単なレッスンでも分ってない知人がたくさんいるわけで書いておくことにする。

だからしっかりしろ、我が友。演歌の曲からの歌詞をふと思い出して、君にちゃんとこの詞を心に留めて欲しいと。。。
    「女は惚れない
         限り
                 謎にならないぞや」

Johann Sebastian Bach, BWV 853